Oklahoma City. The Oklahoma City part of this section might well be called, "To ban(ner) or not to ban(ner), that is the question."
Much of the research I've done consists of reviewing the on-line Oklahoman's archives from 1980, although I'll reference other sources, as well. To read an Oklahoman article mentioned, click on the date-link, such as this one: March 20, 1991 ... and, by the way if you've been reading from the beginning, this is tip #2 ... no, it's not Ron Norick. You can also read, print, or save all articles. To see the articles as thumbnails, click here. To see the articles in a larger view, something like a slideshow, click here. The photo at right was taken by Oklahoman photographer Paul Hellstern, published June 2, 2004.
But let's begin a bit earlier than that with the city's first such parade, on June 19, 1988. The brief June 16 Oklahoman article didn't say much except when and where it would begin and end and identified a speaker who the article merely described as "Levi." The June 20 article after the parade was much larger, it saying that about 400 were in attendance. Apparently, the Ku Klux Klan had threatened opposition and at least implied violence but that did not occur. Jeff Levi, executive director of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, was the speaker, he having flown here from Stockholm, Sweden, to attend the event. Andy Southam, local group leader, said, "Here in Oklahoma, because it is the buckle of the Bible Belt, the gay rights movement has been very slow. We're hoping that with this first march people's thinking will start to move forward," and he also noted that city officials had been completely cooperative during the process.
Annual parades since then also seem to have gone off without a hitch as to the parade and associated events themselves. See these articles: June 10, 1989; June 19, 1989, the latter estimating parade attendance at 1,000. The Oklahoman didn't include much coverage in 1990, but what it did provide was enough to generate a smile from this reader: In a June 12 blurb it was said that state house speaker and gubernatorial candidate Steve Lewis (D- Shawnee) would be attending, however Mr. Lewis was apparently quick to say, "No, not me!" since a June 13 snippet, "Setting It Straight," reported that, in fact, Mr. Lewis had declined the group's invitation. I could locate no Oklahoman articles mentioning the annual event in 1991 or 1992. A June 28 article reported on the parade in 1993, it noting that Sgt. Jose Zuniga, the 6th US Army's Soldier or the Year and Desert Storm hero, but discharged from the military because he was gay, was a featured speaker, and local entertainer, Peggy Johnson, discharged from the navy because she was a lesbian, spoke as well. No Oklahoman articles appeared in 1994, almost none in 1995, and nothing showed up in the Oklahoman from 1996 through 2000 that I could locate.
An interesting story did appear in 2001. A anonymous letter had apparently found its way to Ward 1 voters that Mick Cornett, then city council candidate for that ward, had been endorsed by the Cimarron Alliance. In fact, the Alliance had endorsed Cornett against Frosty Peak, but it denied sending the letter. Cornett's ungracious response to the anonymous letter was to offer "a $500 reward to anyone who can offer proof of who sent the letter," the March 17, 2001, article said. "When Bashline heard that Cornett had spoken against gay rights, he said it made him reconsider the group's endorsement, but he said it was too late."
Mostly, though, 2001 was notable for the reason that Kirk Humphreys, mayor, proposed that the city's light-pole-banner policy be changed. The city began the banner program in 1989 as part of 1889 Land Run Centennial activities and the policy was broad enough to permit Cimarron Alliance's banner request. In this July 11 article, Jack Money reported that banners on 44 poles along Classen Boulevard featuring a torch with a rainbow flame over the name of Cimarron Alliance Foundation, placed there after being granted a city permit, had been been taken down after "city leaders" received complaints. After attorneys representing the foundation threatened litigation, the city put the banners back up. In that context, the article reported that,
Humphreys said he believes the city's banner policy should prohibit all that don't contain "positive" community messages.
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[quoting Humphreys] "They (homosexuals) have a right to behave that way if they want to — although quite frankly some aspects of it are illegal, quite frankly," he said. "But I don't think they have the right to advance their philosophy for the same reasons that Neo-Nazis, the Ku Klux Klan and religious groups don't."
In its July 17 editorial, the Oklahoman basically said, "Three cheers to the mayor!"
A homosexual activist group insists that banners promoting "gay and lesbian pride" are protected by free speech. This is nonsense.
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The homosexual activists may succeed in doing away with the banner program altogether. This would be a shame, as the colorful banners are eye-catching and appealing. Mayor Kirk Humphreys likes the banners but dislikes using the banner program to promote a political "irrelegious" agenda. He's right.
The Oklahoman's editorial position was rejoined by Bill Rodgers, chairman of the Cimarron Alliance Foundation in Oklahoma City, in a June 21 letter to the editor which, to its credit, the Oklahoman chose to publish.
But, what action would the city council take? It was a hot potato with lots of possible legal possible (as well as other types of) ramifications. Jack Money's August 15 Oklahoman article reported that the following policy was given authorization to be considered by city council 8-0, even though with misgivings expressed by some council members. Money reported that,
The policy states that banners and bus bench advertising would be limited to items that would "promote or celebrate the city, its civic institutions, or public activities or events in the City of Oklahoma City and ... otherwise (would) promote the corporate interests and welfare of the city."
Once again, the editorial position of the Oklahoman weighed in. In its August 20 editorial, the Oklahoman chimed in and opined as follows:
Unless members of the Oklahoma City Council are prepared to vote on the content of every banner or bus bench slogan that comes along, they should accept the proposed policy banning advocacy messages on the benches and banners. Yes, the policy would prohibit some messages that few would find objectionable, such as anti-drug appeals.
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* * * Based on the words of some council members last week when the policy was introduced for discussion, it's clear that there is some resistance to the proposal. Unfortunately, the city can't exclude some social advocacy positions while condoning others. The only way around the policy is to require council members to vote on individual messages as they're proposed. That's not practical.
* * * The homosexual activist group forced this issue to the forefront with its banners. It will not accept being excluded while more popular advocacy positions are condoned.
More than 100 years ago in 1907, the blacks in our city weren't embraced or condoned by the mainstream white community or by the Oklahoman either, though they then had no voice or mainstream spokesperson. It is perhaps forgotten by many, but the Daily Oklahoman's position with regard to the civil liberties of our black citizens and not only in that time immediately slaps me in the face. Click the Oklahoman September 13, 1907, graphic at right to see its front page on that day. The headline's sub-headline read, "Negro Must Be Made to Know His Place — Should Have Equal Privileges But Entirely Separate." So, as far as civil liberties are concerned, since when has "more popular" been the test? I almost hate to show this since it so blatantly vile, and as to that conclusion certainly almost all of us would today agree. But I will show it since coming from the mouth of the Oklahoman it reflects at least some part the Oklahoman's civil liberties history much more than any one of us would doubtless care to remember. My point is that the Oklahoman has no legitimate basis to claim a morally superior position or that it has ever been on the forefront of promoting civil liberties of any minority group that I'm aware. I'll also say that I've done no research into the women's suffrage movement as yet, so I'll add that qualification.
Anyway, back to topic. What happened with Mayor Humphrey's 2001 initiative? Shortly before it was set to come before city council, on August 25, Jack Money wrote another article focusing upon former council member Eric Grove's thoughts that the measure would not withstand the test of legal challenge. Be that as it may, the proposed ordinance passed city council on August 29, 2001, and Jack Money's August 30 article gives the story. By a 6-3 vote, the proposed ordinance was adopted by city council, members Amy Brooks, Ann Simank, and Willa Johnson voting "No." Once again, the Oklahoman's editorial commentary gave its hearty, "Hoo-ahh."
But, that was not the end of it. After the council's action, the Alliance applied for a banner license for 2002, and the same was denied, which denial was upheld by City Manager Jim Couch. In response, federal court action was promised in October by the Alliance, and on November 30, it came. This time, Oklahoman reporter Jack Money was off the case and reporter Ed Godfrey gave his December 1 report of the litigation. 9-10 months later, federal judge Robin J. Cauthron ruled against the city, as reported by this David Zizzo September 17, 2002, article. But, that was still not the end of the 2001 story.
The question of damages in the federal litigation remained. How much had the Cimarron Alliance been damaged by the city's 2001 action led by Mayor Humphreys? Following the above decision, the city council voted 8-1 to accept the federal judge's ruling, per this October 17, 2002, article. According to that article, the city would be required to pay "nominal damages" of $3.00 to the Alliance, plus attorneys fees. Eventually, the city did settle, with the mayor paying $1 dollar of damages.
"But, wait — that's not all — there is more!" as Ron Popeil says. Indeed there was. The federal court decision could not have prohibited the city council from considering a revised ordinance. Oklahoman Reporter Steve Lackmeyer reported on the ordinance changes then pending in a January 14, 2003, article — even with the above history, the council simply did not know what to do with this hot potato.
As reported by Steve Lackmeyer on February 5, 2003, the first response of city council was to pass the buck to OG&E, owner of the light poles, and let it deal with the problem. The vote was 6-3, Mayor Humphreys and council members Jerry Foshee, MickCornett, Larry McAtee, Brent Rinehart, and Guy Liebmann voting yes; Willa Johnson, Ann Simank, and Amy Brooks voting no. OG&E was given until July 5 to accept that status, but it promptly said, "No, not me," more quickly than that. Finally, on June 17, 2003, the city council unanimously approved a policy permitting banners without regard to without any restriction on sponsor's messages. Steve Lackmeyer's June 18 article said,
Bill Rogers, past president of the Cimarron Alliance which sued the city over its previous policy, said he was surprised by the lack of debate over the new policy. "It's a turnaround," Rogers said. "I think it's a real victory for the city."
After that decision, the issue of banners went away, and the Oklahoman resumed coverage of the parade which has been increasingly good since that time. The map shown here was part of a June 21, 2003, article by Ann DeFrange, and another in 2003 showing color photos from the parade. For other Oklahoman articles, see June 2, 2004; June 28, 2004; June 22, 2005; a series of articles by Judy Gibbs Robinson — June 28, 2004, June 22, 2005, June 27, 2005, June 29, 2005, February 2, 2006, June 22, 2006, and June 26, 2006. The Oklahoman even began carrying related articles like this June 23, 2006, article on gay marriage. It was in 2006 that Carrie Coppernoll began covering the events for the Oklahoman, and, in fact, one might say that she has become a favorite of the event hosts themselves, she having been an event judge in 2009 and 2010. In her June 27, 2006, article, she said, about her 1st attendance at the parade,
When I first walked up, I was nervous. I was in the minority. Would people look at me funny? I felt uncomfortable for a minute, like I didn't belong and didn't fit in. I felt a little shy. ¶ Do many of the people at the parade feel like that every day? How daunting. How intimidating. I hope I never make someone feel uncomfortable for his or her sexuality the way I felt uncomfortable about mine.
Other Oklahoman articles came to have a sensitive and perhaps approving tone. John David Sutter's June 17, 2007, article provides such an example. In it, he said,
Many in attendance took a moment on this anniversary, the 20th year of gay pride events here, to talk about how much more responsive the city has become to gay culture. While many still see the event as controversial, attendees said, the death threats and protesters are gone.
[Paul] Thompson said the city has become much more accepting of gay life. He once received death threats by telephone for being an advocate of gay rights, he said. Now, Thompson fees that Oklahoma City is beginning to accept gay culture. ¶ "Oklahoma City is going to have to wake up and get with this century, or it's going to have to be a quaint, Western kind of cow town," he said. ¶Margaret Cox, 68, a board member of the Cimarron Alliance Foundation, a gay rights group, said that the transition has already happened. People in the city "know that a vibrant city also has a vibrant gay community," she said.
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The event is meant to be an inclusive celebration for anyone to take part in, attendee Jay Hollenbeck said. "I think they (people in Oklahoma City) realize that we are not trying to become more separate. We're trying to become more integrated into the city," said Hollenbeck, 42. "We have a lot to offer."
To round out the decade, other articles also appeared: June 25, 2007, showing a pair of paraders; June 22, 2008, showing some protesters; June 30, 2009, finding favor at the White House; July 2, 2009, and June 29, 2010, Carrie Coppernoll writing the last pair of articles.
All that said, does the city and state have a long way to go in respecting the rights of the LGBT community? Of course they/we do. Oklahoma laws on marriage and adoption, discussed previously, almost singularly mark our state as one of a kind in this country. We've got pip-squeaks, small minded people who are in positions of authority, such as Sally Kern, Republican member of the Oklahoma House of Representatives, shown at right and below. She represents a west-center Oklahoma City state district, near Bethany. She maintains that homosexuals are a greater threat to this country than are Islamic extremists (such as those who destroyed the twin towers in New York City, above left).
As long as the likes of Sally Kern are in positions of authority, and as long as the majority of citizens in this state persist in imposing upon others their narrow view of what the world should be, there is a problem. In this March 11, 2008, article, the local, state, and national furor she sparked brought ridicule on the city and state from around the world. Listen for yourself, when she didn't thinking others were listening. Well, they were. Worry about your 2-year olds, she says ...
... and she is right about that.
But about what should we worry? About our children being taught that blacks, women, or gay people are inferior to white non-religiously conservative people like she is and represents? Deja vu, I'm thinking, to what we heard in Germany during World War II. You figure out what you should be most worried about. If Ms. Kern has a saving grace, it is that her views are so extreme as to embarrass even her fellow Republicans in the Republican-controlled state legislature, so much so that she was recently reprimanded by the state House of Representatives for her untoward remarks about blacks and women as being lazy by a vote of 76-16. See the official vote.
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